Government Paid PWC €4.95 Million for Advice on Banks

The Irish state paid Price Waterhouse Coopers €4.95 million for advice and professional services in relation to the banking crisis.

PWC were commissioned after the state guarantee was put in place to assess the balance sheets of the covered banks. As I have noted here before, PWC finished their fieldwork in December 2008 and concluded in relation to Anglo:

Under the PwC highest stress scenario, Anglo’s core equity and tier 1 ratios are projected to exceed regulatory minima (Tier 1 – 4%) at 30 September 2010 after taking account of operating profits and stressed impairments … We used an independent firm of property valuers (Jones Lang LaSalle) to value a sample of 160 properties held as security in relation to the top 20 land & development exposures on Anglo’s books as identified in our Phase II review and report. The results of this work indicated that impairment charges over the period FY09 to FY11 would fall in a range between the two PwC impairment scenarios but closer PwC’s lower impairment scenario.

Can we ask for our €5 million back?

Notes on Banking and Central Banks

I know this website attracts a lot of readers who are interested in banking and in monetary policy. Often, these people are regular members of the public trying to understand what’s going on in the world but starting out from a somewhat hazy understanding of the various technicalities. So (hopefully without being too patronising) I thought I’d point people towards the course webpage for my UCD module “International Monetary Economics.”

This is a final year undergraduate module that covers banking, financial stability, monetary policy and some issues in international finance. Probably most readers will find the material pretty basic but for those of you who would like to have some material to study, it’s intended to help those with a limited background get up to speed with current events in banking and monetary policy. The focus is largely international but Irish banks get the odd shout out. This is the first week of classes (out of a total of twelve), so I’ll be adding lecture notes and other material as I go along.

Constructive criticism of the notes is welcome. (Long deranged rants about fractional reserve banking are not.)

Call for Papers

Next May 20th, the Financial Mathematics and Computation Cluster (FMCC) will again hold a conference on financial risk modeling of European investable assets (see below).  Once again the conference will be held in Dublin, Ireland, poster child for the flaws in Eurozone financial risk architecture.  As was the case last year, we hope to attract papers covering the full span of Eurozone risk modeling and analysis.  In addition to the Call for Papers, the FMCC is actively seeking industry partners for this conference and our other research-practitioner outreach programmes. For more details contact gregory.connor@nuim.ie or irene.moore@ucd.ie.

Basle 3 Agreement

The Basle Committe has announced an agreement for higher capital proposals. The agreement is, unsurpringly, somewhat watered down relative to earlier proposals and components such as a countercyclical capital buffer don’t seem to have much substance. Implications for the Irish banks seem minimal, as the total common equity requirements announced are the same as those set down by the Central Bank in its PCAR exercise.

FT: No Irish Lazarus

The FT has a new editorial on Irish banking policy and it is perhaps surprisingly harsh. Text below:

Just shy of the second anniversary of the Lehman collapse, the Irish government last week issued its latest plan for Anglo Irish Bank. It reveals how little Dublin – and most other governments – have learnt from the crisis.

Back then, there were good reasons to offer taxpayer crutches to toppling banks. Contagion could bring the system to its knees. Panic made market valuation useless: even solid banks looked wobbly on a mark-to-market basis. It made sense to tide them over until the insolvent institutions could be distinguished from the illiquid.

Uncertainty is now receding. Unhappily, what is emerging in Ireland is how staggering bank losses are. It is time to let them fall where they should: on unsecured creditors once shareholders are wiped out. But Irish leaders are prolonging the uncertainty in the hope that zombie banks will, Lazarus-like, come back to life.

Dublin has poured €23bn into Anglo. The new plan – to split deposits from a “recovery” bank with loans not yet transferred to the government – looks like another round of three-card monty. It does not clarify the final size of the hole to be filled (S&P thinks it can reach €35bn), and continues to make citizens protect bondholders from their own folly.

Dublin fears that cutting loose Anglo’s bondholders will kill demand for Irish sovereign debt. The opposite is true, as record-high sovereign spreads show. Its huge fiscal deficits are manageable – just. It is the open-ended exposure to private liabilities across the banking system that drives up sovereign yields. Dublin must get its priorities right.

Irish depositors must be protected, but they fund less than half of the €776bn domestic banking balance sheet. Bondholders are owed €98bn, some of it guaranteed. Explicit state guarantees must be honoured. But the extension of a scheme to guarantee new debt issues to maturity forces taxpayers chained to a sinking ship to build lifeboats for exiting creditors.

The guarantee scheme should be cancelled for new issues, and sweeping resolution authority put in place immediately. It should apply to any bank that cannot refinance itself privately, and ensure that viable business continues while assets secure the claims of depositors and already-guaranteed creditors. Any shortfall thus crystallised should be put on the public balance sheet once and for all.

This will be painful. But investors who know the bleeding has stopped will soon prove that there is life after death.

Reading this, it strikes me as interesting how quickly we’ve gone from a situation where the government’s defenders were complaining about domestic malcontents and pointing to increasingly receptive audiences overseas to one where the exact same people are blaming the international press for our problems on the grounds that they don’t understand the situation as well as those who are living here.