Possible Implications of a Greek Default

Note: I had not seen Karl’s post before writing this one, so it is not meant as a response.   Since the two posts cover somewhat different ground I hope they are complementary. 

The argument is increasingly heard that if Greece is allowed a write-down on its debts then Ireland should be allowed a similar treatment.   Unfortunately, a number of different things seem to get jumbled together in the discussion: the costs and benefits of default on State debt; the costs and benefits of default on senior bonds in the former Anglo and INBS; and the costs and benefits of restructuring the promissory notes.   I don’t pretend to have all the answers, but it seems worthwhile to try to disentangle the different elements. 

(1) Implications of a Greek write-down for the possibilities of an Irish write-down

There is almost universal agreement that Greece’s debt is unsustainable.   Largely against the will of the Greek government, the EU/IMF funders are demanding burden sharing with private sovereign bondholders.   This is unlikely to ease the austerity burden being imposed on Greece.   The immediate benefits will go the official funders in the form of reduced loans that they have to make to Greece. 

So could Ireland follow the same path?   While we are certainly not out of the woods in terms of debt sustainability, the situation here is quite different.   The debt to GDP ratio is projected to peak at about 118 percent of GDP in 2013.   Irish bond 9-year bond yields have fallen from a peak of around 14 percent to about 8 percent now – still far too high to return to the markets but reflecting increasing confidence that Ireland will avoid default despite the chaos in the European crisis-resolution effort.   Whether or not you believe that Ireland’s debt is sustainable, a move by Ireland to default on its sovereign debt is likely to be badly received by the official funders.   There is no guarantee that official support would continue to be forthcoming.  Loss of that funding would require the deficit to be closed cold turkey, with the austerity having devastating effects on living standards and the economy.  Even it official funding continued, it is highly unlikely that the required austerity measures would be lessened.   My conclusion is that it is hard to see a short- to medium-term gain from defaulting, with huge downside risks.

Longer-term, a default would obviously enough lower the amount of money we have to pay back.   Against this would have to be weighed the cost of the loss of the asset of creditworthiness/reputation.   Defaults can sometimes be viewed as “forgivable” if undertaken (or forced) as a last resort.   The reason is that they don’t reveal that much about the country’s underlying willingness to honour its debts.   A default by a country that can pay is quite different, and would involve a huge reputational loss for a country that begins with a strong reputation.   Creditworthiness for a country with a large debt, a volatile economy and a large dependence on inward private investment is extremely valuable.   I find it hard to see how a cost-benefit analysis would support trying to voluntarily follow a Greek default precedent. 

How Would a Greek-Style Haircut Affect Ireland?

Someone asked me today how a Greek-style haircut for private bondholders would impact on the Irish debt situation if applied here. Without any claim that this is a prediction for what could happen to Ireland, or a policy recommendation, here are the calculations.

While the figure grabbing the headlines is the 50%-60% haircut for private holders of Greek sovereign bonds, it appears that the bonds bought by the ECB will not be written down, nor will the IMF loans. FT Alphaville discuss a UBS report that calculates that a 50% haircut for private bondholders actually implies a 22% reduction in total debt.

In Ireland’s case, the latest EU Commission report estimates (page eight) that our year-end general government debt will be €172.5 billion or about 110 percent of GDP. The report also estimates that by the end of this year, we will owe €38.2 billion to the EU and IMF.  (Table 4 on page 23).

We don’t know how much Irish sovereign debt the ECB own but it’s believed to be a large amount. I do remember a report from Barclay’s claiming they owned €18 billion by June 2010. Let’s say ECB owns €22 billion of Irish debt (that’s just a guess, I really don’t know). Combine that with €38 billion from EU-IMF and you have €60 billion in debt that wouldn’t be getting a haircut. Better guesses of ECB holdings of Irish sovereign debt are welcome.

Now apply a 50% haircut to the remaining €92.5 billion of our debt and you reduce the debt by €46.25 billion, or 29 percent of GDP, getting the debt ratio down to 81 percent. (Of course, we’d still be running large deficits, so it would start increasing again.)

So that’s the answer. Perhaps worth noting, however, is that an alternative method of writing down Ireland’s debt by close to 30 percent of GDP without haircutting private bondholders at all would be to have Anglo’s ELA debt to the Central Bank of Ireland written off.

According to its interim report Anglo owed €28.1 billion in ELA at the end of 2010 but this had risen to €38.1 billion by the end of June. This is because Anglo transferred €12.2 billion in NAMA senior bonds to AIB in February to back the deposits that were being moved out of the bank.

On July 1, Anglo was merged with Irish Nationwide Building Society (INBS) to form what is now called the Irish Bank Resolution Corporation (IBRC). As of the end of 2010, INBS had €7.3 billion in loans from the ECB. However, €3.7 billion of this was backed by NAMA bonds and other assets that were transferred to Irish Life and Permanent. INBS has been in receipt of ELA since February to replace this lost funding. While this has been admitted by a Department of Finance official (see this story) the exact figure has not been released. I assume it is about €4 billion.

So my estimate is that the IBRC now owes about €42 billion in Emergency Liquidity Assistance to the Central Bank of Ireland. If the European authorities ever decide they like the idea of haircuts for Irish debt, it would be fair to ask which of a fifty percent haircut or a write-off of ELA would be more likely to damage Ireland’s reputation or cause financial market contagion.

More on Savings Rates in Ireland.

Seamus’ excellent post today reminded me to post something I looked at some weeks ago. The September Budgetary and Economic Statistics from the Department of Finance carried some really useful information in Table 25 on investment, Gross National income, and gross and net savings. The figure below shows the evolution of gross and net national saving and the gross total available for investment from 1995 to 2010.

We can see clearly from the figure that the spike in net national savings in 2007 is rapidly diminished, with only 21 million euros put aside, so to speak, in 2009, and 1951 million euros in 2010. Occasionally the notion gets floated that there is a load of money somewhere in a bank account to be taxed. This should be dispelled rather quickly, as households don’t seem to be saving their way through the crisis much at all. In addition, the total available for investment seems to have dropped off, with no rebound in sight, which is a worry.

ESRI Research Seminar: Inflation Expectations, Central Bank Credibility and the Global Financial Crisis

Venue: ESRI, Whitaker Square, Sir John Rogerson’s Quay, Dublin 2.
Date: Thursday 27/10/2011.
Time: 4.00 pm.
Speaker: Petra Gerlach-Kristen, ESRI.
If a central bank’s promise to keep inflation stable is credible, long-run inflation expectations should not respond to economic news. This paper studies market participants’ inflation expectations in the euro area, the United Kingdom and the United States as implied by inflation swaps. We find that inflation expectations up to ten years out seem to respond to commodity prices and unemployment news and that some of these reactions have apparently become stronger and longer-lasting since the onset of the global financial crisis. This might be due to second-round effects and thus to a decrease in central banks’ credibility.

Europe’s Growth Emergency

Zsolt Darvas and Jean Pisani-Ferry address this topic in this new Bruegel Policy Contribution, which is available here.