Revenue Annual Report and Research Papers

Last week Revenue published its Annual Report, detailing the activities behind the collection of €82.4 billion in net receipts for the Exchequer in 2022.

https://revenue.ie/en/corporate/press-office/press-releases/2023/pr-042623-annual-report.aspx

Also published (links at the bottom of the page above) are a series of research papers and statistical reports including:

· An analysis of Corporation Tax which profiles 2022 payments and 2021 tax returns, providing considerable detail on what is now the second largest tax in the State.

· An analysis of Income Tax focused on PAYE taxpayers in 2022. The paper exploits the detail generated by real-time reporting systems to provide diverse insights, including on pensions (both contributions and incomes), employment churn, and post-pandemic inequality levels to name a few areas.

· An analysis of VAT which profiles 2022 payments and repayments and provides useful detail on the operation of the tax.

· An analysis of Vehicle Registration Tax (VRT) which profiles 2022 payments and reflects the notable changes that have occurred in the vehicle market in recent years due to the impact of Brexit, COVID-19 and climate-focused policies.

Versions of the above papers covering older years can be accessed here: Revenue also published a report on its latest large-scale customer survey, covering SMEs. While its focus is mainly customer service there are also insights related to COVID-19, Brexit and the shadow economy. Finally, Revenue also published its annual illegal tobacco survey results for 2022, the latest statistics on the Debt Warehouse and a statistical overview of PAYE taxpayers who filed Income Tax returns in 2023 Q1 (including a focus on the uptake for the Rent Tax Credit, Remote Working Relief and Health Expenses).

Revenue issues a Statistical Bulletin on a quarterly basis where they advertise new or updated statistical releases published on the Revenue website. Any interested readers can sign up by emailing statistics at revenue dot ie

National Income: 2 – From Production Value to Added Value – Getting to GDP

Last time, we looked at the production value in Ireland’s national accounts.  Between market and non-market output this is estimated to have been €790 billion in 2021.  This represents a lot of activity but, just like turnover, there is also a lot of double counting in production value.  The classic textbook example is the loaf of bread where the aggregate production value is the sum of the output of the farmer who grows the wheat, the miller who makes the flour, the baker who makes the bread and the retailer who sells it.  Adding up aggregate value of their production does not give us the income of those involved as each stage includes the production value of the stages that preceded it.

Intermediate Consumption

To better reflect the value that is produced at each stage we must subtract the costs of current goods and services purchased for use in production.  For the farmer this is the seeds, for the miller it is the wheat, for the baker it is the flour for the retailer it is the actual loaf of bread.  We have already subtracted the cost to the retailer of buying the loaf of bread with the deduction for goods and services sold in same condition as purchased. But for the other stages of production goods, and services are purchased and are transformed or used in the production process.  These purchase of these goods and services is referred to as intermediate consumption.  Subtracting intermediate consumption from production value gives the value added at each stage of production.

We might like to include some government services as intermediate consumption.  Policing, the legal system, roads and other government services contribute to firms’ ability to produce output.  However, we have no way of dividing such collective services into the amount used by households and the amounts used by firms.  Thus, it is assumed that all government services are final services consumed by households.  This leads to an underestimate of intermediate consumption.

In 2021, the intermediate consumption in the Irish economy was estimated to be €390 billion.  Gross value added in the Irish economy is estimated to have been around €400 billion.  Thus, the €1 trillion of turnover resulted in gross incomes (for persons or businesses yet to be determined) of around 40 percent of that amount.

Taxes and Subsidies on Products

Almost every transaction we enter involves taxes of some form of another, or at least they should.  The buying or selling of goods and services is no different.  It can be argued that this is part of the value of a transaction – it must be if the final user, such as the consumer pays it – but it goes to neither the worker nor the business owner; it goes to the government.  In 2021, taxes on products came to €26.5 billion.  On the consumption side this includes VAT (€16.5 billion), Excise Duty (€6 billion) and EU Customs Duty (€0.5 billion), while for capital transactions Stamp Duty (€1.5 billion) is included.  As these are included in the expenditure of final users they are added to GDP.

On the other hand, the amount of product subsidies paid by government is subtracted from GDP.  In Ireland, these include subsidies for public transport, health insurance and third-level education.  A total of €1.5 billion of such subsidies were paid in 2021.

Double Counting?

In several places above emphasis was placed on the need to avoid double counting.  However, it appears we are doing just this with the inclusion of taxes on products in GDP, at least from the perspective of production.  These taxes are collected by government and go, in part, to fund the production of the non-market output such as government provision of health and education services.  So, given that we have already included the production of such services in GDP is it double counting to also include in GDP taxes that are used to fund them? 

In a sense, it is. Consider a hypothetical situation where the government abolished VAT and Excise Duty but required households to pay directly for health services used.  Let’s just assume that nothing else changes.  The production of non-market output will fall by €22 billion but this will be offset by a €22 billion rise in market output.  However, there will be a €22 billion reduction in the amount of product taxes added to GDP.  In aggregate terms, production is still the same but nominal GDP is lower.  And, in the simple case of no other changes, all that has happened is that the method of paying for what is produced has changed – there has been an institutional change.  Of course, GDP in volume (or real GDP) is unaffected as the tax and price changes will be picked up by the deflators.

Irrespective of where the economic incidence lies, taxes on products are certainly included in the market price of output and form part of the expenditure of final users.  Also, if there was some way of excluding VAT from consumption expenditure, then there would be no direct way of determining the household savings rate and related measures.

Of course, it could also be argued that the subtraction from GVA of subsidies on products to get GDP leads to an undercounting.  Again, the reason for doing so is the desire for an equivalence between the output and expenditure approaches to GDP.  So, it is not so much that the inclusion of taxes and subsidies on products leads to a double counting in or undercounting of GDP; it is more a desire to maintain the equivalence between the different approaches to measuring GDP.  Here we have seen it in terms of the output approach, but it also arises with the income approach when taxes and subsidies on production affect the factor income earned from production.

Could taxes and subsidies on products be excluded from GDP? Yes. However, that would lead to a gap between the output and expenditure approaches to measuring GDP.  There is an attractiveness in having a theoretical equivalence between the different approaches to measuring GDP.  However, a wedge caused by taxes means that in practice they will not be equivalent.  Thus, one can view the tax adjustments being our effort at making them equivalent.

Under-Counting?

The system of national accounts is based on production and output.  Consumption plays a role but only the consumption of output that is counted in production is included.  As noted, this is derived on turnover and intermediate consumption. 

The contribution of the Encyclopaedia Britannica to value added was the company’s turnover from the sales of its volumes minus its intermediate consumption to produce them.  This would have declined as users switched to online options, such as Encarta and latterly Wikipedia, and in 2013 the company announced it was ceasing the production of printed volumes.  This ended the contribution of printed encyclopedias to GDP.  What contribution does Wikipedia make to GDP? Very little actually.

Wikipedia does not have a turnover in the sense of charging for the services it provides.  Wikipedia is a non-profit entity.  For the user-value produced, Wikipedia has a relatively modest wage bill.  These costs are covered by donations.  The production focus for GDP means there is an emphasis on costs rather than benefits.  It is likely that Wikipedia provides much greater benefits than Britannica, if only because of the number of people who can access it, but makes a smaller contribution to GDP.  If Wikipedia was to collapse, GDP would be largely unaffected, but the significant value users get from the service would disappear.  GDP is a measure of production based on prices not consumer surplus based on benefits.

Similar outcomes can be seen for other digital technologies such as search engines.  Users derive huge benefit from search engines, but because they are provided for free they make little direct contribution to GDP.  Users perform billions of searches on Google each day but the value of this service consumption is not included in GDP.  For GDP, Google is mainly an advertising company.  In national accounts, Google’s turnover is the mainly the amount it collects in advertising revenue.  This is a significant amount but will be well below the value users get from using the services that Google provide.

This suggests that, similar to government services, the value of certain private services may be undercounted in GDP.  While true this is not necessarily a reason to discard GDP. GDP has limitations because of what it is: a measure of output that can contribute to national wealth. GDP is a flow that can lead to changes in national wealth, and there are other things that can change national wealth.

The output included in GDP should give rise to something that can be included on a national balance sheet.  If Wikipedia and Google give their main products away for free, then that means there is no direct way they can give rise to something that can be included on a national balance sheet.  In one sense, this means that GDP undercounts the value of these services. It does. But in the sense that GDP was created for, it more accurately reflects the value of the output produced that gives value that can be added to national wealth – though not necessarily of the country in which the output is produced.

Anyway, after those few digressions, we can now see how production value is translated into value added and subsequently into GDP.

The Output Approach to GDP

Using the output approach gives us Gross Value Added (that will go to persons and businesses) and adding the government net take from taxes and subsidies on products to GVA gives us Gross Domestic Product (GDP). 

  ITEM €million
  Production Value 790,000
less Intermediate consumption (390,000)
equals Gross Valued Added at basic prices 400,000
plus Taxes on products 26,500
less Subsidies on products (1,500)
equals Gross Domestic Product 425,000

This is an important measure of an economy and taking the components of the phrase in reverse we have:

  • Product: the value added of the output produced (including taxes)
  • Domestic: activity that that takes place within a country’s borders
  • Gross: before depreciation or the cost of replacing capital used

Irish GDP in 2021 was around €425 billion.  With a population of 5.1 million this is just over €85,000 for every man, woman and child in the country.  With an average of around 2.4 million in employment during the year, it is about €180,000 per worker.  GDP is one of many Irish macroeconomic indicators that is distorted by the presence of MNCs here.  Our next journey will be the steps to go from GDP to national income.

National Income: 1 – From Turnover to Production Value

In aggregate terms, Ireland’s national income in 2021 was around €230 billion (using modified Gross National Income, GNI*). This comes from an economy where the aggregate turnover is probably around €1 trillion. There is a lot of money flowing around but as is often quoted but rarely attributed: “turnover is vanity, profit is sanity and cash is reality.”

The table shows a progression from turnover to production value. All bar the top two rows are in line with the latest estimates for 2021 from the CSO. Aggregate figures for turnover and for the cost of goods and services purchased for resale in same condition as received are not provided by the CSO within Ireland’s national accounts but the figures shown are within the ballpark. Turnover is not significant within the national accounts framework where the emphasis is on production, value added and income. The sequence shown isn’t how the national accounts are compiled but can serve as a setting off for examining where our income comes from.

Goods and Services Purchases for Resale in Same Condition as Received

Of the roughly €1 trillion of turnover in the Irish economy in 2021, around €300 billion was due to the selling, both wholesaling and retailing, of goods and services that somebody else made. Those doing the selling are looking to gain a small margin. The wholesale sector in Ireland (G46) has a turnover of around €150 billion, some of which is linked to MNC-activities, while the more domestically-orientated retail sector (G47) has a turnover of around €50 billion. Both have operating margins in the low single digits. It will also be the case that the same goods will be included in the turnover of both. The turnover of wholesalers includes sales to retailers and the turnover of retailers is based on the sale of those same goods to customers. Subtracting the cost of goods and services sold in the same condition as purchased leaves around €700 billion of turnover from goods and services that are made – market output. This is the value of output that is produced for sale at market prices.

Non-Market Output

There will also be output that does not get picked up in turnover. There are two main types of non-market output. There is output that is produced by someone for own final use and output that is produced for sale at prices that are not economically significant.

There are lots of activities that could be included in production for own final use and around €35 billion of such activity was included in the national accounts for 2021. One of the main elements is the housing services that owner-occupier households provide to themselves. Owner-occupiers do not buy the housing services that they consume, but instead own the asset that produces them. An imputed value is included in the national accounts for the housing services produced, and consumed, by owner-occupier households. These are based on market rents and around €18.5 billion of such imputed rents were included in non-market output in 2021. Household cooking and cleaning undertaken by workers who are paid is also included in output but any cooking and cleaning done by households themselves is not.

Firms can also produce output for their own final use but as firms do not undertake final consumption their output for own final use only includes capital assets, as capital formation is a final use. Firm may have in-house production of capital assets such as machinery, software, and research and development. They do not sell the capital assets produced but use them in their own production. The 2021 figure is not yet available but in 2020, businesses in Ireland in the industry sector (NACE C) produced around €15 billion of capital assets for their own final use.

There is also non-market output which is provided at prices that are not economically significant (which includes having no price at all). The most important component of this other non-market output is the provision of health, education, and other services by the government sector. There will also be some non-market output from non-profit institutions serving households. In total, the value of such non-market output was estimated to be €50 billion in 2021. As there is no market price this value is based on the costs of production, of which labour costs will be the most significant in many instances.  While consistent and measurable, the sum-of-costs approach does mean that such non-market output can potentially be undervalued relative to output included using market prices.

Changes in Stocks

As we want to get the production value within a particular time period (such as a year) an adjustment is made for changes in stocks. It could be that some of this year’s turnover is derived from the sale of goods made last year (i.e., a decline in stocks) or there could be output made this year that is not sold (i.e., an increase in stocks). In 2021, it is estimated that more output was produced during the year than was sold during the year which resulted in a positive figure for the change in stocks, of around €5 billion.

Production Value

Adding these four items: market output (€700 billion), output for own final use (€35 billion), other non-market output (€50 billion), and changes in stocks (+€5 billion) gets us to the total value of goods and services produced in the economy and included in the national accounts. Thus, the value of production in the Irish economy was estimated to be €790 billion in 2021. In a future post, we will pick up the sequence and follow how this production value is transposed into GDP and subsequently to National Income.

2021 Economic Letters from the Central Bank

Volume 2021 of the Central Bank’s Economic Letters series has seen a set of interesting contributions across a range of topics so far this year. The Economic Letters published to date are:

The effects of the 1ST COVID 19 lockdown and re-opening on sales in Irish customer-facing businesses.

Guest post by Eoin O’Leary, Emeritus Professor of Economics, Cork University Business School, UCC.

Introduction

There has been vast media coverage on the effects of the COVID 19 pandemic on the Irish economy, most of which has been speculative as the struggles of workers, businesses and government has been ongoing. Yet the recent publication of the monthly Retail Sales Index (https://www.cso.ie/en/statistics/services/retailsalesindex/) and the Monthly Services Index (https://www.cso.ie/en/statistics/services/monthlyservicesindex/) for October provides a fascinating insight into how sales in customer-facing businesses in 21 retail and market services sectors have been affected by the pandemic since the beginning of 2020.

These sectors, which employed 1.1 million workers in the Republic of Ireland in 2019, have been directly affected by the sudden onset of the first lockdown of many shops and services enterprises in March, followed by graduated re-openings with social distancing measures and increasing reliance on remote access for customers.

The period January to October 2020 is ideal for investigating the 1st wave of the pandemic, as it covers the first lockdown in March and the subsequent re-opening during the summer before the 2nd lockdown on 19th October 2020. The sectors being investigated are major contributors to the Irish economy. Together they employed over 1.1 million workers in 2019, which represents 49% of total employment in the state.

The first key date in the timing of the response to the pandemic was the government-imposed lockdown starting on 27th March. Apart from retail enterprises involved in food, fuel and pharmacy (ie Food, Beverages and Tobacco in Supermarkets; Food, Beverages & Tobacco in Specialized Stores; Fuel and Pharmaceuticals, Medical & Cosmetic Articles) which remained open throughout 2020, all other retail sectors closed from this date with some providing remote access for customers. This was followed by a graduated re-opening (with social distancing measures continued) from June to mid-October. There was variation, with for example Bars (not selling food) being closed until September 21st, while mainstream non-food retailing (ie the remaining 8 retail sectors) re-opened from June 8th.

In market services, food and accommodation services (ie Accommodation and Food Services Activities) were closed from 27th March and re-opened on June 28th. There were differences within the remaining sectors. For Wholesale Trade those businesses involved in food, fuel and pharmaceutical distribution would not have been significantly affected during the 1st lockdown, while non-food retailers would have experienced a downturn. For Transport and Storage, passenger transport was severely curtailed while, anecdotally, there is evidence that courier services prospered. The other 4 sectors (ie Information and Communication; Professional Scientific and Technical Activities; Administrative and Support Services Activities and Other Business Services) were influenced by having to serve customers almost exclusively via remote access.

The Data and Method

Table 1 shows detailed descriptions of the sectors covered and their 2019 employment levels. For the Retail Sales Index, sales from a sample of 1,700 enterprises of varying sizes are collected each month across 13 sectors and indices generated. In addition to sales, in relevant sectors, data are collected on the % of sales from online sales of enterprises with a presence in Ireland. This source provides very detailed and comprehensive coverage of businesses of all sizes in retailing, accounting for 253 thousand persons engaged in 2019 (22% of the 1.1 million covered in the paper). One exclusion is that the index does not cover the retail trade of food and non-food via stalls and markets.

For the Monthly Services Index, sales from a sample of 2,250 enterprises with more than €20 million sales and more than 100 persons engaged is collected.  In addition to the index only covering these larger enterprises, the 8 sectors are more broadly defined than retail (see Table 1).  These sectors covered 876 thousand persons engaged or 78% of the total in 2019.  Notable exclusions from this series are financial and insurance activities; public administration; education; human health; creative arts, music and entertainment activities.  Together, both indices provide interesting insights into a substantial portion of the Irish economy that has been most affected by the pandemic.                      

In order to estimate the effect of the pandemic on each of these 21 sectors from January to October 2020, the actual monthly value index is compared to what the index would have been if no pandemic occurred.  The latter is estimated using a simple model which first estimates the trend of the value index for each sector, calculated over the previous 5 years, for the 9 months starting in February 2020.   This month is taken as the beginning of the pandemic because there is evidence, especially in food retailing, that customer behaviour shifted during that month when it became clear that a lockdown was imminent. 

The trend is computed using the average annual percentage change in the seasonally adjusted value index from January 2015 to January 2020 which is applied to the February to October 2020 indices.  It then adjusts the resultant series for each sector by monthly seasonal factors.  These are derived by dividing the seasonally adjusted index by the unadjusted value index for February 2015 to October 2019 and calculating the average seasonal factor for each of the 9 months over these 5 years (see https://www.cso.ie/en/statistics/services/).  The resultant seasonal factors are then applied to the estimated trend from February to October 2020. 

The effect of the pandemic is assumed to be the difference between the estimated trend with seasonal variation and the actual unadjusted value index for each of the 9 months being analysed.  It is assumed that the pandemic is the chief irregular component effecting the sales indices in these 21 sectors.  There can be little doubt that it was by far the most significant abnormality that prevailed during 2020.

The Findings

Overall, of the 21 sectors investigated, actual monthly sales are estimated to have been down in 16 sectors, with 5 either unchanged or doing better than they would have if there was no pandemic.

  • By far the most negatively affected were Accommodation Services, which relates to hotels and other kinds of accommodation, down a massive 72%, and Bars down 58%.
  • Other very large declines were in Transport and Storage (-37%); Books, Newspapers and Stationery (-32%); Clothing Footwear and Textiles (-30%); Fuel (-25%); Food Services, which includes restaurants and cafes (-24%) and Department Stores (-23%).
  • 7 sectors were down between 3 and 18%, namely: Furniture and Lighting (-18%); Motor Trades (-12%); Administrative and Support Services (-11%); Professional, Scientific and Technical Services (-10%); Wholesale Trade (-8%); Other Retail (-7%) and Electrical Goods (-3%).
  • 2 sectors were unaffected, namely Information and Communication and Pharmacies.
  • Notably, 3 sectors experienced higher sales than they would have experienced without the pandemic.  These were predictably Specialized Food Stores (+11%), and Supermarkets (+7%) and, perhaps less predictably, Hardware, Paints & Glass stores (+9%).

Figures 1–21 present detailed graphs of the actual value index for each sector from January to September 2020 and the estimated trend and seasonal variation, using the simple model described above.  The base is January 2020 = 100 to facilitate comparison between sectors. The average monthly difference in percentage terms between the estimated and the actual is presented under the heading of each graph, to signify the magnitude of the effect of the pandemic.  This magnitude is used to determine the order in which sectors are presented, beginning with those whose sales are down the most due to the pandemic and ending with 3 sectors whose sales improved in the pandemic.  The commentaries beside each Figure bring out the highlights with suggestions of possible explanations. Where available the trends in the % of sales from online sales are included in the commentaries for retail sectors.

Concluding Comments

These findings provide fascinating insights on the effect of the COVID 19 pandemic on the sales performance of Irish customer-facing businesses in 21 sectors during the 1st lockdown and subsequent re-opening in 2020.  Three points are worth making in conclusion: 

Contact email: eoin.oleary@ucc.ie.  The author would like to thank Eleanor Doyle and Owen O’Brien for discussions that inspired this work.