NESC report advocates integrated national response to the crisis

The NESC has just produced a paper Ireland’s Five-Part Crisis: An Integrated National Response which sets out to assist government in developing an integrated response to the current crisis. The paper stresses the urgency of a holistic and joined-up plan within which we can see how the individual measures required to get us out of the problems we are in relate together. It is hard to argue with this proposition, even if we are a long way from seeing a recognisable plan from the authorities at this point in time.

The paper deliberately eschews making specific policy recommendations (p. 9), though some are discussed in an appendix to the paper. Its argument is that the more important task at this stage is to gain agreement around an overall analysis of the problem and a vision of the way forward. However, while the paper contains many useful insights and observations, my overall impression is that it remains too rhetorical and would have benefited from a harder edge, perhaps in the form of some specific targets to address some of the key imbalances which it identifies.

The paper has a short but useful overview of the position in which Ireland now finds itself and how we got here. It goes on to argue that there are five dimensions to Ireland’s current crisis:

  • A banking crisis
  • A fiscal crisis
  • An economic crisis
  • A social crisis
  • A reputational crisis

The core argument of the paper is that partial, piecemeal and sequential responses to these individual crises will not be sufficient or effective. This is only partly because of the inter-relationships between these individual dimensions of the crisis, but largely because citizens need to be able to see how any sacrifices they are asked to bear fit into the overall response to the crisis.

A key feature of a recovery plan is some statement of how the government intends to allocate the inevitable costs of adjustment across groups in the population, and the mechanisms for achieving this. Beyond some well-meaning statements on the need for social solidarity, the paper is silent on this issue.

The paper’s own list of desirable elements in a recovery plan (p. 40) are very high-level and fail largely to address the distributional issues which will be key to its public acceptability. It is also disappointing that the paper does not address more directly some of the operational issues on which economic and political opinion remains divided, e.g. the optimal balance and speed between addressing the yawning fiscal deficit and maintaining domestic demand, or how to bring about the required adjustments in nominal wages and prices to restore competitiveness.

To be fair, the paper states that it did not set out to get into  this level of detail, and it is more of an essay than a plan. But a plan is needed, and it is to be hoped that the government can produce it in the context of its budget measures on April 7th next.

Expansionary Fiscal Contraction

The February exchequer returns combined with ongoing default risk perceptions mean the government has little choice but to bring forward its fiscal adjustment.  I have doubts, however, about one argument for front-loading the adjustment that seems to be gaining currency – that it will be expansionary.  

The classic argument for an expansionary fiscal contraction focuses on cuts to government spending.  Permanent cuts in government spending lead to expectations of permanent cuts in taxes.   The expenditure effect of the latter can outweigh the former (especially if starting from a large and distorting tax burden).   In contrast, the current Irish debate is focused on adjustment through tax increases.   With apologies for oversimplifying, the argument seems to be that households and businesses already expect higher taxes, but uncertainty about the precise nature of those taxes is causing increased precautionary savings and investment delays.  Eliminating this uncertainty would lead to increased domestic demand.   

Two comments:  First, if the economy contains a significant share of myopic/liquidity-constrained individuals as well as forward-looking Ricardians, the reduced precautionary savings effect of the latter would have be very strong to offset the reduced spending of the former.  Second, and less speculatively, the empirical work of Alberto Alesina, Roberto Perotti and co-authors finds that fiscal adjustments based on tax increases tend to be less durable and more likely to be contractionary.

I draw two tentative lessons.   The first is that a cautious approach should be taken to front-loading until we understand better the role of discretionary fiscal contraction in the extremely sharp slowing of the economy.  The second is that a narrow intertemporal macro perspective suggests a significant part of any adjustment burden should fall on expenditure.   I would be very interested to hear views on the relevance of the expansionary fiscal contraction hypothesis to the current Irish situation.

Unemployment Rate up to 10.4%

In a further indication of the rapidity of the decline in Irish economic activity, the CSO‘s Live Register release reports a standardised unemployment rate of 10.4% in February up from 5.0% one year earlier.  One reason the figure is so high is that unemployment rates from previous months were revised up (January’s rate was revised up from 9.2% to 9.6%) as they were benchmarked to the QNHS estimates for September-November.   (Brendan Walsh had predicted such a revision in his post on the QNHS release.) Even controlling for that, the pace at which the economy is contracting is remarkable.

Buiter on Research in Macroeconomics

The current crisis certainly requires the economics research community to reflect on the appropriate allocation of research effort in terms of topics and methods. Willem Buiter gives his views here.

Profile of Colm McCarthy

Colm McCarthy is profiled in today’s Irish Times: you can read it here.  (Includes several excerpts from his blogging on this site!)